How can a powerful Democrat’s opposition be a good sign?
Because it suggests that Schumer has already calculated that the administration
can do without his vote.
Congress would have to override the veto, which requires a
two-thirds majority in both chambers—and this is what the Democrats, even in
their diminished numbers, should still be able to blockwith some votes to
spare.
Schumer doesn’t put it this way, but obviously he is hoping
that one of those spare votes will be his. His life will be easier in many
ways—in minimizing hassle during his upcoming reelection run in New York, and
thus maximizing his efforts to help other Democratic candidates so that he has
a chance of becoming Senate majority rather than minority leader—if he doesn’t
have to spend time explaining away a vote for the deal to his
conservative and AIPAC-aligned constituents. If the deal goes through despite
Schumer’s opposition, people who support the deal won’t care, and those who
oppose it can blame evil Barack rather than valiant Chuck.
Gotta love realpolitik!
More Fallows on Iran in his coverage of the president's defense of the plan.
The real-world context for Obama’s certainty on these points
is his knowledge that in the rest of the world, this agreement is not
controversial at all.
Imagine that.
There is practically no other big strategic point on which
the U.S., Russia, and China all agree—but they held together on this deal. (“I
was surprised that Russia was able to compartmentalize the Iran issue, in light
of the severe tensions that we have over Ukraine,” Obama said.) The French,
Germans, and British stayed together too, even though they don’t always see
eye-to-eye with America on nuclear issues. High-stakes measures don’t often get
through the UN Security Council on a 15-0 vote; this deal did.
And the loyal opposition?
“The fact that there is a robust debate in Congress is
good,” he said in our session. “The fact that the debate sometimes seems
unanchored to facts is not so good. ... [We need] to return to some semblance
of bipartisanship and soberness when we approach these problems.” (I finished
this post while watching the Fox News GOP debate, which gave “semblance of
bipartisanship and soberness” new meaning.)
Obama's beliefs on the results of the deal.
Iran is the latest expression of a deep, ancient, powerful
culture that’s different than ours. And we don’t know how it’s going to play
itself out. But as I said before, it’s not necessary for us to be optimistic in
order for us to assess the value of this deal. If you believe that Tehran will
not change, and the latest version of the current supreme leader is in charge
10, 15 years from now … you’d still want this deal. In fact, you want this deal
even more.
The fantasy, the naiveté, the optimism, is to think that we
reject this deal and somehow it all solves itself with a couple of missile
strikes—that is not sound foreign policy.
There's too much to pick and choose from so just go read it all and anything else that Fallows has written on Iran or anything else.
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